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....FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA....

An essay in search of modern selfhood

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF

I owe an insurmountable debt to the root ideas of twentieth century modernity for the way I think and behave. I am to quite a large measure what 20th century modern civilization has made me.

The ideas on which modernity stands have been so ubiquitous during my lifetime that they have consumed my consciousness and irrevocably shaped my feelings. No other cultural perspective makes operative sense.

I therefore have been unable to gain enough objectivity on modernity to dissociate it from my being. I have swum in modernity as a fish swims in water, innocent of any other environment, content to take sustenance where it conveniently is, all around me.

Being American has only intensified modernity's grip on who and what I am. America is the quintessential nation of modern times. We Americans wrap Europe's modernist elements in our own colors and turn them into the modern-beyond-modern style that uniquely is ours.

But what is 20th century"modernity?" The answer is both transparently easy and impossibly difficult. It is easy because I have only to observe myself going about my ordinary life to see modernity in action—or to observe those around me. It is difficult because it is an amalgamation of incredibly complex strands of human development. These strands lie deeply enmeshed in my psyche and everyone else brought up in the West. They weave together into the composite of human experience in the West not just through the last hundred years but through several centuries.

Charles Taylor tells us how "deeply we are implicated" in the complexity of modernity. He tells us that our modern identity is involved "in a sense of self defined by the powers of disengaged reason as well as of the creative imagination, in the characteristically modern understandings of freedom and dignity and rights, in the ideals of self-fulfilment and expression, and in the demands of universal benevolence and justice." (503)

As Taylor makes clear in his study of the making of modern identity, these strands do not weave into a harmoniously whole pattern of modern men and women in action. Indeed, his study ends by emphasizing the "conflicts of modernity." (495) Taylor joins his voice to the many before him who have discerned the disintegrative character of modernity, its power to "stifle the spirit."

Taylor's last word resonates with the anxiety of Henry Adams. That ironist of the modern, writing at the start of the 20th century, envisaged the image of the dynamo replacing the image of the Virgin. The modern dynamo was the centrifugal mechanical force that carried power away from an organic cultural focus such as the Middle Ages had in the Virgin. Adams said, "The Trusts and Corporations stood for the larger part of the new power that had been created since 1840, and were obnoxious because of their vigorous and unscrupulous energy. They were revolutionary, troubling all the old conventions and values, as the screws of ocean steamers must trouble a school of herring. They tore society to pieces and trampled it under foot." (The Education of Henry Adams, "Nunc Age," 500.) Taylor says, "The dilemma of mutilation is in a sense our greatest spiritual challenge, not our iron fate." (521)

Most of what we call education today involves students and teachers in a multi-dimensional examination of the composite strands making up modernity and the conflicts to which they give rise. The disciplines of the liberal arts and sciences are the tools used in that examination. But they also are evidence in themselves of modernity itself: if we were not living in modernity, we would not see the point of rigorously interrogating separately defined bodies of information about the structure of the material world and the significance of human culture.

So, we could say that to live in modernity is to spend our lives trying to understand what modernity is. Or--what amounts to the same thing--we could say that in modernity we spend our lives trying to understand ourselves, since we are so much defined by it. Either way, we are looking for a clarity that escapes us because irresolution sustains the very meaning of modernity.

This is both limiting and liberating. The fields of academic inquiry show too well how they limit total understanding by deliberately drawing lines in the sand. But because the final form of modernity is by its nature problematic, we see no boundaries as we try to understand it—and ourselves. We are free to look wherever we please in the hope of making connections that will explain the experience. This freedom intimately implicates us. At the same time, it puts us off and frustrates us, for the deepest connections we hope to make seem always to elude us.

end of 1.

Go to 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY

That is why essays in understanding, such as this, have the license to become personal. Indeed, in the present postmodern atmosphere, there is hardly any other choice. Critical analysts of modernism have challenged the old ambition to find the final truth of the world or of the self through discourse. During the height of modernism, the old essay would commence as if it could lead to something definitive for everyone with a mind cultivated by reason. Today's essay, by contrast, begins with writer and reader both knowing that it will remain an "essay," an attempt that will not succeed in broaching final truth. It will remain at best like a tracer in the night, throwing off a certain brilliance but destined never to reach a target that, even in daylight, remains out of sight.

For me, this essay began a while ago when my friend Rick told me he had read Carl Schorske's remarkable interpretation of politics and culture in end-of-the-century Vienna. As a visitor to Vienna, Rick had been taken by the way the visible city reflected its layered and nuanced political and cultural history in modern times. In Schorske's book he found a penetrating approach to that history.

When I came to the same book, I discovered that the author studied Vienna at the turn from the nineteenth century to the twentieth century because he too was wondering where the strands of modernity had their roots and how they intertwined into our sense of ourselves.

Schorske described how as a young historian he was baffled by the "ruthless centrifuge of change" (xix) that fragmented the Enlightenment-based notion of civilized progress and destroyed the old categories that explained it, such as rationalism vs. romanticism. He discovered that such discredited categories would no longer allow historians to relate particularities of culture and politics to "a wider historical context." (xix)

Schorske tells how he therefore had to abandon his early belief that he could find "a satisfactory general characterization of modern high culture." (xxi) This led him to acquiesce in "a kind of post-holing" approach that led to studying particular areas of politics and culture on their own terms. (xxii) After studying them, he optimistically thought, he could look at the similarities and differences among those particular probes. From that process he hoped to discern some commonalities, though they would lack the power to represent a full-blown spirit of the whole age under study.

But Schorske's turn to Vienna, he further explained, took place in part because of the change in the "general philosophic outlook" of American intellectuals of the left in the decade after 1947, when he was coming up as a scholar. (xxiii) This change led away from the optimism of the New Deal and World War II. Driven by McCarthyism and the darkening narrative of Stalinism, liberals became pessimistic, as Schorske observed them, and participated in a "revolution of falling expectations." (xxiii)

This dramatic shift of world view was best exemplified, he thought, by the rise of interest in Freud at the expense of Marx. (xxiv) At issue was the decline of a Marxian social perspective on the human experience and the rise of a Freudian psychological perspective—a shift from external to internal concerns. Freud's Austrian origin led Schorske to examine end-of-century Vienna. This "well-circumscribed social entity, reasonably small but rich in cultural creativity" afforded Schorske a culturally focused field of study despite the fragmentation of modernity that it suggested and to which it contributed. (xxv)

There he found that the turn toward cultural internalization had a dynamic relationship with the socio-politics in the capital of the Habsburg Empire under Franz Joseph (1848-1918). The joining of these two broad fields--culture and politics--provides the warp and woof of Schorske's interpretation of end-of-century Vienna:

(1) In the work of major literary figures, Arthur Schnitzler and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Schorske finds adaptive cultural strategies at play within the complexities of Habsburg society. His analysis of the building of the Ringstrasse during the liberal ascendancy after 1860 shows the architectural mode of emerging urban modernism.

(2) The vulnerability of late-blooming Austrian liberalism--and its ultimate failure--appears in Schorske's analysis of a trio of politicians who spoke in a new key. The pan-German nationalist Georg von Schoenerer, the anti-Semite Karl Lueger, and the Zionist Theodore Herzl, he shows, pursued a "politics of fantasy" in the face of persistent aristocracy and ineffectual liberalism.

(3) Schorske examines the wide swings in the innovative career of the painter Gustav Klimt. They illustrate the search for esthetic solutions to the socio-political tensions that tightened around the Habsburg society as it entered its final decades of existence.

(4) Finally, Schorske brilliantly seizes on the cultural symbol of the garden to show how creative artists reorganized thought and feeling as the Viennese faced the decline of liberal political control and of the peculiar conditions in the Empire that had sustained it for a time. The garden of esthetic order finally exploded, he argues, when the works of Oskar Kokoschka in painting and sculpture and of Arnold Schoenberg in music began to reconstruct a new irrationalist order that would characterize twentieth century modernity not just in Vienna but throughout Western society.

(Schorske sums up these topics on pp. xxviii-xxix.)

Schorske's subtle concluding thought on the "explosion in the garden" is worth tracing carefully. He delineates well the Viennese genesis of a salient feature of twentieth century modernity. He decides that the earlier Viennese artists that he studied--Gustav Klimt in art, Hugo von Hofmannsthal in literature, Otto Wagner in urban architecture—expanded the esthetic culture of the educated upper middle class of Vienna. This, he argues, was an adaptive strategy to compensate for that class's loss of political power in the strange atmosphere of the aging Empire. Their esthetic innovations connected to new insights into the internal psychological realities of the individual subject; but they expressed these mainly through indirection and allegory. (363)

When he studies the later Expressionist artists such as Kokoschka and Schoenberg, Schorske sees that they rejected such circumspection. They refused to create in their art "a cultural cosmetic to screen the nature of reality." (363) They chose to assert directly the "truths" apprehended indirectly by their predecessors. They thus shocked Viennese society, which had come to value the irresolutions and ironies that kept raw reality from overwhelming the order provided by Habsburgian social convention. When their society rejected the view of these new artists, it reinforced their sense of individual alienation. They accepted this alienation as a necessary condition of modern living. "Alienation…became the basis for their adventure into new realms, spiritual and artistic." (363)

In the particulars of Viennese culture and politics, Schorske thus isolates in highly concentrated form an essential feature of modernity—individual alienation from prevailing social norms--wherever it developed in the West. This concentrate of twentieth century modernity found in the Viennese experience might be diluted with French water (or German, or British, or American). It would acquire a French (or German, or British, or American) flavor; but it would not lose the essential properties derived from Vienna.

End of 2.

Go to 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS

World War I was the irreparable dividing line between one phase of modernity and another. (See my essay on this theme.) It created the phase of 20th century modernity that I know from my life's experience. The Habsburg Empire was the essential fuse and torch of World War I. Without the playing out of Habsburgian political priorities in Vienna in the wake of the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife at Sarajevo in June 1914, war might have taken a different course. It might not have occurred at all.

Alan Sked realistically analyses the rigid and self-serving aims of the Habsburgs at that penultimate moment in their long history. The Austro-Hungarian Empire's ultimatum to Serbia on 23 July "was deliberately designed to start a war. It did not begin by accident." (258) And when the Empire finally did declare war on Serbia, it knowingly set in motion the obligations of the military agreements on both sides.

Sked explains the irrational imperial policies that led to this disastrous decision. Those policies rested on two assumptions, which in retrospect take on the character of fantasy. (1) The status quo of the Empire was "eternal" as a political reality of Europe. (2) And the duty of every power in Europe in the end was to uphold the status quo. (269) Millions died as a result of these fantastic assumptions. Vienna, whose politics and culture were the concentrate of modernity, was also the very place where the transforming event, World War I, had its specific political start. This calamity of civilization, thanks to the Habsburgs, set the stage for how modernity would develop in the decades to follow. It is ironic that the Habsburgs acted not on realistic assumptions but on political fantasies animated by their dynastic self-regard.

It was not enough for Vienna to have sparked World War I. Vienna helped to hatch Nazism, which precipitated World War II. Adolph Hitler's youthful experiences as a would-be artist in pre-World War I Vienna emerge now as important influences on his political development. A scholarly exhibition at the Williams College Museum of Art--"Prelude to a Nightmare: Art, Politics, and Hitler's Early Years in Vienna 1906-1913"--advanced this view during the summer of 2002, as reported by Peter Schjeldahl in The New Yorker. In Vienna, Hitler, as depicted in the Williams show, absorbed a range of artistic influences that later shaped his Nazi program. Critics look at Nazi spectacle and design and find their sources in the finely developed formalities of the aging Habsburg Empire. And they find in the same place the sources of Hitler's racial doctrine and pan-Germanism. Schjeldahl sums up: "Nazism, in a horrible way, was a program to remodel the world according to a certain taste"--a taste cultivated on the streets of Vienna by a young Austrian provincial in search of himself.

In the large political sense, then, Vienna incubated the two biggest conflicts that twisted modern life in the twentieth century into its memorably tortured shapes.

End of 3.

Go to 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

4

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF

It is important to register these big bangs that Vienna conferred on the world. But the geo-political role of Vienna that sparked the worldwide dislocations of twentieth-century modernity is not my main target here. This is an essay in search of some of the qualities of modernity that go into the making of a twentieth-century subject or self. The unique mix of innovation and tradition of the last decades of the Empire had profound effects on the people who have left us their testimony. They had a compelling need to define themselves because the easy avenues to self-definition that were open to their predecessors no longer were as open to them. They attempted to function sanely in those dynamic social and political conditions that often were to them incoherent. As they lost hold of an overarching sense of a meaningful world, they turned to irony as an aide. By studying their experiences, one thus might glimpse characteristics of the 20th century modern self in concentrated form.

One particularly revealing set of experiences rises from the fictional life of Ulrich, Robert Musil's "man without qualities."

In the words of critic Philip Payne, Ulrich is "a Viennese intellectual and gentleman of leisure in his early thirties, whose search for a meaning to modern life involves him in strange experiments...."(52) In Musil's long and complex novel, Ulrich undergoes a journey from scientific disengagement, where unique human "qualities" cannot manifest themselves, toward emotional involvement in the unreproducible "essayism" of living. The alienation experienced by artists such as Kokoschka echoes in the alienation that Musil's fictional protagonist Ulrich manifests on that journey, which occurs in the year preceding the start of World War I.

(Indeed, the journey never ends, for Musil never finished his story. Musil wrote his monumental novel over a period of many years following World War I. The first two parts appeared in print in 1930. Musil published more of the story in 1933, but it remained unfinished at his death in 1942.)

To approach Ulrich's life, it is useful to start with two contrasting descriptions in the early part of the novel. One of them presents us with what Musil believes to be the representative social life of early twentieth century modernity. He depicts "a kind of super-American city where everyone rushes about, or stands still, with a stop-watch in his hand." (30) Musil conveys the flavor of that modern city in phrases such as the following:

Air and earth form an ant-hill, veined by channels of traffic, rising storey upon storey….one leaps from one means of transport to another, is instantly sucked in and snatched away by the rhythm of it….in the general rhythm one hastily exchanges a few words with others….Each person has nothing but quite definite tasks. The various professions are concentrated at definite places….If…one runs up against a difficulty, one simply drops the whole thing….every road leads to a good goal, if one does not spend too much time hesitating and thinking it over…. The targets are set up at a short distance, but life is short too, and in this way one gets a maximum of achievement out of it….what one achieves is what moulds the spirit, whereas what one wants, without fulfillment, only warps it. (30)

This jittery description of urban modernity finally leads the narrator to conjure a wild craving—to get out! That impulse leads him into the second description. He takes himself back to "the good old days where there was still such a place as Imperial Austria." To his evocation of life in the waning Habsburg empire, Musil attaches the name "Kakania." This curious coinage conflates two abbreviations applied to persons and institutions in the old empire. They were either "kaiserlich-königlich" (Imperial Royal) or "kaiserlich und königlich" (Imperial and Royal)—for short, "k.k." or "k. & k." (32-33). But this double referent of "Kakania," however esoteric and distant from our experience, does not exhaust the name's resonance. As Janik and Toulmin tell us: "To anyone familiar with German nursery language, it carries also the secondary sense of 'Excrementia' or 'Shitland.'" (J&T, 13) In short, Musil casts over his description of the old empire a complexly ironic cloud, which is both amusing and biting.

To oversimplify a long and many-layered novel, I think that the significance of Ulrich's story emerges from his attempt to live in the mechanistic-scientific city of modernity while also living in the lengthening shadows of Kakania. The problems associated with both settings, the depiction of which makes up much of the novel, render each of them equally undesirable venues wherein to develop a fulfilling sense of one's identity as a modern person. On the other hand, to find the meaning of oneself by trying to live in both settings simultaneously was to court major subjective dysfunction.

To cope with these dilemmas, Ulrich's strategy in the beginning is to take a leave from life ("Urlaub vom Leben"). He tries to live "objectively" outside the stream of events. He obviously derives this strategy from the mechanistic-scientific vision that purports to drive urban modernity. Only a person living in the modern period would even imagine that such a personal strategy were possible.

Philip Payne insightfully leads us in his critical work through the process by which he sees Ulrich abandoning his failed effort to stand aside from life. Payne traces the several narrative threads that involve Ulrich in various ways both in the jittery urban space and in Kakania. For example, Ulrich accepts a role in the Collateral Campaign ("Parallelaction"), a fantastic project to plan the celebration in 1918 of the 60th anniversary of Emperor Franz Joseph's coronation. He makes a gesture, grounded in a philosophical concern with subjectivity, to help Moosbrugger the murderer. Later, in the volume I did not read, Ulrich will undertake a romantic relationship with his twin sister, Agathe.

The incompleteness of the novel leaves readers uncertain about the outcome of Ulrich's struggle to find meaning within the two settings that characterized pre-World War I Vienna. But this narrative irresolution perhaps is not out of step with Musil's general intention. His protagonist remains unresolved on a meaning for his life. He has felt alienated from the modern city no less than from Kakania even as he has moved back and forth between them in search of himself. This sense of alienation strikes the characteristically modern note that Schorske found in Kokoschka and Schoenberg.

Musil too, through his character Ulrich, shows that a sense of alienation--of disconnectedness--generates in the modern subject a heightened awareness, even though it does not lead to integration and wholeness. The self cannot feel connected meaningfully with its social milieu; but, ironically, it finds the power to generate significance from that very disconnectedness. Payne's assessment is that Ulrich's "alienation from those who accept the rule of conventional thinking and feeling brings the hero into intimate contact with layers of selfhood within him which he has hitherto overlooked." (Payne,165)

Musil wrote his story after the urban ant-hills of Europe had been transformed and the old imperial regime had been destroyed by World War I. The situation of modernity in 1913, depicted in the novel, differed radically from the situation between the wars when he wrote. Neither the urban space at its pre-war apogee nor the imperial oddity that somehow survived nineteenth-century modernization existed as options for Musil as he wrote. (Franz Joseph to the end refused to introduce electricity into the Hofburg, thus materially preserving the contrast of culture so sharply drawn by Musil.)

Still, the subtle dilemmas and choices offered up in 1913 Vienna to his fictional Ulrich serve best, I think, to frame Musil's search for the making of the modern self. By the time he began to write about that lost world, Vienna in defeat was already beginning to produce new perspectives for 20th century modernity. They would resonate with Musil's imagined world. But they would contribute their own texture of thought, which further compounded Vienna as a concentrate of modernity.

End of 4.

Go to 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE

As Musil's "man without qualities" illustrates, the modern mind in end-of-century Vienna gained a distinctive texture from the complexities, both cultural and political, created by the prolongation of the pre-modern Habsburg Empire, or Kakania. The irresolution--not to say fragmentation--of social and cultural meaning made the esthetic expression of alienation a strategy for psychological survival. This strategic psychological response had deeply rooted philosophical underpinnings. They may initially seem at odds with the superficial nervousness of the modern setting; but in the end they resonate with the way the world was going.

We might think of the concentrate of modernity being concocted in end-of-century Vienna as a product of philosophical priorities. At issue was the compelling question of the limits of language. This question came to dominate end-of-century Vienna and remained central to philosophical thought throughout the twentieth-century. It appears to link with and help explain the alienation of the self from social constructs that characterized modernity as it developed in Vienna.

What was this question of language? It originated in Kant's critique of reason a hundred years before, according to Janik and Toulmin in Wittgenstein's Vienna. Kant started the shift of the philosophical spotlight away from issues of "sense perception" and "thought." These had dominated the minds of thinkers through the eighteenth century and spearheaded the Enlightenment. Kant's way of thinking gave new priority to the linguistic "representation" of sense perception and thought. The essential point, Janik and Toulmin say, was that representations had limits. And since language provided the means of representation, language too had limits. (120-121) They outline the development of this new focus on the limits of language through the nineteenth century in the thought of Schopenhauer, Ernst Mach, Heinrich Hertz, Boltzmann, Kierkegaard, and Tolstoy. But they convey the core issue by examining the writings of Fritz Mauthner, a Kakanian critic who brought the modernist view of language's limits to full expression in pre-World War I Vienna.

For Mauthner, words--names--were not the efficient instruments that could express the elements of sense perceptions and thoughts. They were "at best metaphors for what the senses perceive" and what the mind thinks. (122) How familiar to our modern minds are Mauthner's maxims: "Men can never succeed in getting beyond a metaphorical description of the world." (122) "Language is an activity, not some sort of entity." (126) For him, the senses were contingent; language depended on sense perceptions; so, language too was contingent. (126)

The end-of-century Viennese sense of social and cultural disequilibrium mirrored this deep-seated philosophical view on the limits of language. Language, it turned out, could not situate human beings unequivocally in a definite world. However, it could deliver a metaphorical model of the world. Language converted to mathematics could even deliver a model that, within its limits, could yield "true and certain knowledge of the world." (166) (Hence the rise of positivism.) But to the Kakanian mind, represented by Mauthner, true and certain knowledge of human ethics remained obscured behind the metaphorical scrim of language. As Janik and Toulmin sum up Mauthner:

His final Sprachkritik…ended by supporting the core ethical position held in common by Schopenhauer, Kierkegaard and Tolstoy—namely, the view that the "meaning of life" is not a matter for rational debate, cannot be given "intellectual foundations," and is in essence a "mystical" matter. (165)

End-of-century Vienna, then, gave us a profoundly disillusioning debasement of human linguistic expression. It could not function as a sufficient instrument of civilization and individual sanity. With its newly proven capacity to separate itself from human reality, it could function, indeed, as a weapon against civilization and sanity. The philosophical insights of Vienna foreshadowed George Orwell's weird world of 1984 and all the doublespeak that sullies our remembrance of the century we have lived through.

We can never know how people in the modernist West would have adjusted to the individual's impulse toward social and cultural alienation if modern life had continued uninterruptedly. We can never know how they might have reconstituted the power of language to support an ethically ordered world. Having fostered these modernist traits in its unique cultural and political milieu, Vienna then destroyed the ability of Europeans to develop modernity continuously. Thanks to its self-serving Habsburgian view of the world, it sent Europe into the mouth of hell in 1914 with its ultimatum.

To the problem of individual-social conflict summed up in the notion of alienation, and to the loss of language as an adequate means for expressing good and evil, Emperor Franz Joseph added the hellishness of mass mechanized violence. That violence intensified social and political crises as ingredients of modernity. They had to be factored into any explanation of the influences on the modern self as it evolved through the twentieth century.

End of 5.

Go to 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY

From the perspective of the early 21st century, these ponderous developments make us want to step back and say, "What a mess end-of-century Vienna made of the modern condition." In 1918, ancient Kakania finally died in the smoke of war. Despite the demise of the Habsburg Empire, however, Vienna's contributions to modernity were not over. Born in that same smoke of war was Ludwig Wittgenstein's treatise, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. In his person and in his first philosophical work, Wittgenstein (1889-1952) seemed to present a 20th century Viennese response to the situation of modernity that had taken such concentrated form in his native city at the end of the 19th century, when he was just a boy.

To list the contributions of major figures who were nurtured in the Viennese culture is to highlight critically important features of modernity as it played out in the 20th century: the positivist philosophy of Ernst Mach; the psychology of the subconscious developed by Sigmund Freud; the twelve-tone musical scale of Arnold Schoenberg; the representation of the irrational in the art of Oskar Kokoschka; the removal of ornament in the architecture of Adolph Loos; the critique of established cultural dishonesty in the satire of Karl Kraus; the political philosophy of social openness in the work of Karl Popper; the free-market economics of Friedrich von Hayek. (Edmonds & Eidenow discuss some of these, p.98)

The extraordinary wealth of the Wittgenstein family—wealth earned by Ludwig's father and grandfather in the burgeoning industrial life of 19th century Austria—set Ludwig and his siblings apart from many future high achievers. Wittgenstein, nevertheless, shared with such figures an upbringing in the unique Viennese environment prior to World War I. As Janik and Toulmin see it, that environment set the course of life and thought that Wittgenstein would follow. In particular, it focused his mind on the fundamental philosophical issue of the limits of language that Viennese culture had generated. Could the precision and certainty of scientific statements be reconciled philosophically with the imprecision and uncertainty of statements about ethics "within a single consistent exposition?" (168)

( Janik and Toulmin paint a dramatic portrait of life in the fabulous Wittgenstein family [169-175]. The point is to show that the cultural activities of the Wittgenstein salon, which drew in the leading artists and thinkers of the day, would obviously have sensitized young Ludwig to the compelling issue at the heart of Viennese culture: "Certainly, Wittgenstein's family situation placed him at the focus of the Austrian quandaries and paradoxes." [169].)

But the world war that Austria ignited with its ultimatum was an additional and essential influence on Wittgenstein's life and thought. He served as a soldier on the eastern front and spent the year after the war in a prisoner-of-war camp in Italy. In the fog of war the manuscript of the Tractatus came into being. One wants to believe that the existential extremes of the battlefields and camps bore in some indispensable way on the subject matter of the text, just as it bore on the ascetic style of life Wittgenstein came to cultivate. Once the Tractatus was nursed into print with the help of Wittgenstein's Cambridge friend and advocate, Bertrand Russell, he retreated into schoolteaching and gardening. He renounced his magnificent inheritance and gave it to his surviving siblings. By the time he returned to Cambridge in 1929, at Russell's behest, he was following an ascetic style that eschewed the politeness and polish of the life into which he had been born. (Edmonds & Eidenow, p. 48) It clashed notoriously with the mannerist subtleties of Cambridge academic style.

(In Wittgenstein's Poker, Edmonds & Eidenow capture the most incandescent example of his directness and expressiveness in the academic setting. They build their readable book around a ten-minute encounter between Wittgenstein and Karl Popper, his fellow Austrian, on the evening of Friday, 25 October 1946 at the Cambridge Moral Science Club meeting. Popper, the guest of the evening, and Wittgenstein, the faculty chairman, clashed over the question whether there were meaningful philosophical problems. When Popper allowed that there were, Wittgenstein objected and left the meeting. In the process, he allegedly wielded the hot poker from the hearth in some apparently menacing way—although Edmonds & Eidenow, in digging for the truth, acknowledge that a definitive account of what Wittgenstein did and what Popper said cannot be reconstructed from the recollection of eye-witnesses.)

The real meaning of the Tractatus has puzzled readers from the beginning. Bertrand Russell, world-famous for his writings, wrote the interpretive introduction because the publisher wanted him to legitimize the publication of a difficult text by an unknown philosopher. While it might have done so, it also completely misinterpreted the book's meaning, according to Wittgenstein. (Janik & Toulmin, p. 200). The book puzzled readers, including Russell, because it appeared to extend the mathematical representations of the world that Russell, Gottlob Frege, and other modern symbolic logicians had been developing.

Janik & Toulmin argue that Wittgenstein at heart was only an apparent practitioner of modern mathematical modeling, which carried forward the rationalistic project rooted in the Enlightenment. Readers misinterpreted the book when they focused on the "truth tables" that modeled propositions; in doing so, they neglected the final aphorisms in the book on the value of life. They mistakenly took the latter to be gratuitous and irrelevant humanistic addenda to a scientific treatise.

Janik & Toulmin tell us, however, that the final section is essential to the whole work. Scientific logic, mathematical modeling, can produce a certain knowledge of the world; but this knowledge excludes "the fountainhead of value" that lies within the human being. (196) The Tractatus speaks to us in the manner of a weary warrior, searching for a reconstructed meaning for himself in a torn world. It is a voice speaking at the darkening of Enlightenment, the fading of faith in reason, in the power of human language to express historical progress accurately and prophetically. It is a voice that declines to believe that words can will the future into being. Hear it in the following selected aphorisms from the Tractatus:

5.1361 We cannot infer the events of the future from those of the present./ Belief in the causal nexus is superstition.

5.1362 The freedom of the will consists in the impossibility of knowing actions that still lie in the future.

5.142 A tautology follows from all propositions: it says nothing.

5.6 The limits of my language mean the limits of my world.

5.621 The world and life are one.

6.421 It is clear that ethics cannot be put into words./ Ethics is transcendental. (Ethics and aesthetics are one and the same.)

6.43 If the good or bad exercise of the will does alter the world, it can alter only the limits of the world, not the facts--not what can be expressed by means of language./ In short the effect must be that it becomes an altogether different world. It must, so to speak, wax and wane as a whole./ The world of the happy man is a different one from that of the unhappy man.

6.431 So too at death the world does not alter, but comes to an end.

6.44 It is not how things are in the world that is mystical, but that it exists.

6.521 The solution of the problem of life is seen in the vanishing of the problem.

6.522 There are, indeed, things that cannot be put into words. They make themselves manifest. They are what is mystical.

7 What we cannot speak about we must pass over in silence.

Such was the way in which Wittgenstein, scion of end-of-century Vienna, resolved the fundamental dilemma conferred on him by his time and place. In his writing, he sought to complete the argument about the limits of language. Language was prohibited by its very structure from including the ultimate meaning of life. In his life, he seized modern alienation by the scruff of the neck and turned it into an affirmation of his personal authenticity. Amid academic sophistication and urban cacophony, he lived a simple and frugal life derived from the vision of life in Tolstoy. He sought to express goodness in action because he had decided that goodness expressed in language was pointless.

Wittgenstein completes the paradox of the modern self. The power of reason brought it into being. The limits of reason led to an existential repertoire that could not employ reason's jewel, language. Was Wittgenstein's response, then, a rejection of the modern self or a completion of it? One can imagine him seizing a hot poker and waving it at the questioner, shouting, "What a pointless question!"

End of 6.

Go to 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

7

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA

1. THE THOROUGHLY MODERN SELF 2. END-OF-CENTURY VIENNA CONCOCTED THE CONCENTRATE OF MODERNITY 3. VIENNA PROVIDED THE FUSE AND TORCH FOR THE CENTURY'S TWO WORLD WARS 4. ALIENATION AND DISCONNECTEDNESS MARK THE MODERN SELF 5. VIENNESE CULTURE BRED THE MODERN CRITIQUE OF LANGUAGE 6. WITTGENSTEIN GAVE A VIENNESE RESPONSE TO MODERNITY 7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED


7. THE QUALITIES OF VIENNESE SELFHOOD SURVIVED

Peter Gay seized on Arthur Schnitzler (1862-1931), one of Vienna's most prolific writers, to guide his biography of the middle class in the nineteenth century. Gay sought to revise the negative assessment of Victorian culture, which has prevailed since it was satirized by Lytton Strachey and rejected by the generation shaped by World War I. The Victorians of Europe were not, in Gay's view, pinned-down, sexually repressed, self-serving caricatures. He employed episodes from Schnitzler's worldly life and successful writing career up to World War I to dramatize and highlight his argument. "He was endowed," Gay says, "with qualities that make him a credible and resourceful witness to the middle-class world I am depicting in the book." (xix)

For someone pursuing the sense of the modern self as it concentrated in Vienna, however, Schnitzler signifies something more complex than pre-World-War I middle-class culture. Like the younger Wittgenstein, he too was transformed by the debacle of World War I and the end of Kakania. Leo Carey, in an article in The New Yorker, depicts the disastrous effect of the war on Schnitzler's writing: "When the war came, obliterating the romantic, pleasure-seeking Vienna that was his great subject, he found himself with nothing to say." (158) Interest in his popular themes--"equivocation, nuance, and indeterminacy," as Carey describes them--evaporated in the heat of war.

But Schnitzler continued writing after the war, free to explore psychological themes and to ignore social relevance in the fractured social environment of Vienna. Carey describes his final stories as "elegies for a vanished world" with suicide a major theme. In Carey's view, it was "as if the self-destruction of individuals embodied the disaster of a whole society rushing into oblivion." (160)

Gay's high Victorian exemplar in end-of-century Vienna thus functions also as a voice for 20th century modernity as it emerged from the war. Schnitzler's career, like that of Wittgenstein in a different way, tells us that end-of-century Vienna did not end in the war. He absorbed the shock and continued writing. Kakania died, but its ghosts still inhabited the imagination of those, like Schnitzler, who could transform them into the spectres of the oncoming century.

He showed that the Viennese qualities of the modern self in some fashion would survive into the 20th century.

End of 7. End of essay.

Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

references

 

FOR THE ESSENTIALS OF 20TH CENTURY MODERNITY, LOOK TO VIENNA


Books and articles referred to in the writing of this essay

Carey, Leo. "The Dream Master: The stories of Arthur Schnitzler, the amoral voice of fin-de-siecle Vienna." THE NEW YORKER. 9 September 2002: 154-160.

Edmonds, David, and John Eidinow. WITTGENSTEIN'S POKER: THE STORY OF A TEN-MINUTE ARGUMENT BETWEEN TWO GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., 2001.

Gay, Peter. SCHNITZLER'S CENTURY: THE MAKING OF MIDDLE-CLASS CULTURE. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2002. Ursinus library: 940.28/G253.

Janik, Allan, and Stephen Toulmin. WITTGENSTEIN'S VIENNA. New York: A Touchstone Book, Simon and Schuster, 1973. Ursinus library: 914.3613/J254.

Musil, Robert. THE MAN WITHOUT QUALITIES. Trans. Eithne Wilkins & Ernst Kaiser. New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1953. Ursinus library: 833.912/M973mE/v.1.

Payne, Philip. ROBERT MUSIL'S 'THE MAN WITHOUT QUALITIES': A CRITICAL STUDY. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Ursinus library: 833.912/M973zP.

Popper, Karl R. THE OPEN SOCIETY AND ITS ENEMIES. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1950. Ursinus library: 301/P817

Schjeldahl, Peter. "Hitler as Artist: How Vienna inspired the Führer's dreams." THE NEW YORKER. 19 & 26 August 2002: 170-171.

Schorske, Carl E. FIN-DE-SIECLE VIENNA: POLITICS AND CULTURE. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980. Ursinus library: 943.604/Sch66.

Sked, Alan. THE DECLINE & FALL OF THE HABSBURG EMPIRE: 1815-1918. New York: Longman Inc., 1989. Ursinus library: 943.604/Sk23.

Taylor, Charles. SOURCES OF THE SELF: THE MAKING OF THE MODERN IDENTITY. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. Ursinus library: 126/T212.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig. TRACTATUS LOGICO-PHILOSOPHICUS. Trans. D. F. Pears & B.F. McGuinness. Introduction by Bertrand Russell. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1961. Ursinus library: 149.94/W784.

1 November 2002 Copyright © 2002 Richard P. Richter